Showing posts with label 6 On Vehicle. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 6 On Vehicle. Show all posts

Monday, June 1, 2026

Ritterkreuzträger with Motorcycle


German motorcycles played a vital role in the Wehrmacht during the Second World War, serving as fast and versatile vehicles for reconnaissance, dispatch riding, military police duties, and communications between frontline units. Among the most famous models were the BMW R75 and the Zündapp KS 750, both specially designed for military service and often equipped with sidecars that could carry additional soldiers, equipment, ammunition, or mounted machine guns. These rugged machines featured shaft drive, heavy-duty suspension, and excellent cross-country mobility, allowing them to operate in the challenging terrain of the Eastern Front, North Africa, and Western Europe. Motorcycle troops, known as Kradschützen, were organized into specialized units that provided rapid movement and scouting capabilities during the early years of the war, particularly during the Blitzkrieg campaigns in Poland, France, and the Balkans. Although motorcycles offered speed and flexibility, they also exposed riders to enemy fire and harsh weather conditions, leading to heavy casualties in prolonged combat. As the war progressed and battlefield conditions became increasingly demanding, many motorcycle units were gradually replaced by armored reconnaissance vehicles and half-tracks. Nevertheless, German military motorcycles remain among the most recognizable vehicles of World War II, symbolizing the mobility, innovation, and operational doctrine that characterized the early successes of the German armed forces.

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BMW R12

The BMW R12 was one of the most successful and recognizable German motorcycles of the interwar and Second World War era, produced by BMW from 1935 to 1942. Powered by a 745 cc air-cooled flat-twin boxer engine producing approximately 18 horsepower, the R12 was capable of reaching speeds of around 110 km/h and became renowned for its reliability, durability, and advanced engineering. It was the first mass-produced motorcycle in the world to feature hydraulically damped telescopic front forks, a major technological innovation that significantly improved ride comfort and handling. The motorcycle served extensively with the German armed forces during the war, particularly in reconnaissance, dispatch-rider, military police, and communications roles, often equipped with a sidecar for carrying personnel, weapons, or supplies. Thousands of R12s were employed by the Wehrmacht across diverse theaters of operation, from the deserts of North Africa to the vast expanses of the Eastern Front, where their rugged construction allowed them to operate under harsh conditions. Although eventually supplemented by newer military motorcycles such as the BMW R75, the R12 remained in widespread service throughout the conflict and earned a reputation as one of the most dependable military motorcycles of its generation. Today, surviving examples are highly prized by collectors and military vehicle enthusiasts, representing a significant milestone in motorcycle engineering and a symbol of German military mobility during the 1930s and 1940s.

Oberleutnant Wilhelm Walther (Führer 4.Kompanie / Baulehr-Bataillon z.b.V. 800) posed with a BMW R12 motorcycle shortly before 10 April 1940 in the Eifel region, probably in the area of Kaisersesch, south-west of Koblenz.

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 VICTORIA KR 50 S


The Victoria KR 50 S and KR 50 SV were advanced sporting variants of the German KR 50 lightweight motorcycle, produced during the post-war era when small-displacement machines were highly popular among young riders and amateur racers. Powered by a 50 cc single-cylinder two-stroke engine, both models were designed to deliver lively performance within the legal and economic constraints of the period, making them attractive alternatives to larger and more expensive motorcycles. The KR 50 S was intended as a sporty road machine, featuring improved engine tuning, lightweight construction, and streamlined styling that emphasized speed and agility. The more specialized KR 50 SV represented an even higher-performance development, incorporating racing-inspired modifications such as enhanced carburetion, optimized exhaust systems, and chassis refinements intended for competitive use in club racing and reliability events. Despite their modest engine capacity, these motorcycles were capable of impressive performance for their class, benefiting from low weight and efficient engineering. Their handling characteristics, fuel economy, and mechanical simplicity made them popular among enthusiasts, while their sporting appearance reflected the growing fascination with motorcycle racing in Europe during the 1950s. Today, surviving examples of the KR 50 S and KR 50 SV are regarded as desirable collector's machines, valued for their historical significance, engineering ingenuity, and representation of the golden age of European small-capacity sport motorcycles.

Wilhelm Walther as leader of the Student Company in Grenzschutz (Technisches Hochschule Dresden), Zeithain, autumn 1931. The motorcycle is a Victoria model KR 50 SV. Years later he would received the Ritterkreuz des Eisernen Kreuzes on 24 June 1940 as Oberleutnant and Stosstruppführer in 4.Kompanie / Baulehrbataillon z.b.V. 800. Awarded for capturing a strategic bridge at Gennep during the assault on the Netherlands. Leading an 8-man team disguised as Dutch military police escorting German prisoners, they made their assault seizing the bridge and disabling the detonators.



Source :
"Brandenburger: Wartime Photographs of Wilhelm Walther" by Anthony Rogers

Saturday, April 11, 2026

The Capitulation of Maximilian von Edelsheim and His Troops


General der Panzertruppe Maximilian Reichsfreiherr von Edelsheim and other officers leave in their command VW Schwimmwagen for the far side of the River Elbe to convey the terms of surrender to their subordinate commanders. They have just left the city hall of Stendal, Germany, where Major Frank Keating from the U.S. 102nd Infantry Division and Major General James Moore, Chief of Staff of the U.S. 9th Army, gave them the terms for the German XXXXVIII. Panzerkorps of which Edelsheim commanded at the time. 4 May 1945. The bulk of the retreating German forces, along with several thousand civilians fleeing the final Soviet advance, reached and crossed the Elbe using the partially destroyed bridge at Tangermünde between 4 May and 7 May 1945, surrendering to elements of the 102nd Infantry Division / 9th Army. The vehicle isn't a standard Type 166 VW Schwimmwagen, but the very rare limited production Type 128. Notice the high the body sides and the exhaust venting under the rear mudguard. The small badge on the side of the vehicle is the 48th Panzerkorps badge).

In the chaotic final days of the Second World War, as Soviet forces closed in from the east and American troops held the western bank of the Elbe River, General der Panzertruppe Maximilian Reichsfreiherr von Edelsheim played a pivotal role in one of the largest mass surrenders of the conflict. By late April 1945, the German 12th Army under General Walther Wenck, along with battered remnants of the 9th Army that had fought their way out of the Halbe pocket, had abandoned any hope of relieving Berlin. Instead, these exhausted formations turned westward in a desperate race to reach the Elbe and capitulate to the Western Allies rather than face the advancing Red Army. With tens of thousands of soldiers, wounded men, stragglers, and fleeing civilians pressing toward the river, Edelsheim—then commanding the XXXXVIII Panzer Corps—was selected by Wenck as the official negotiator, or Verhandlungsführer, to arrange the surrender of all German forces east of the Elbe.

On or about 3 May 1945, Edelsheim crossed the Elbe in a captured American amphibious Volkswagen Schwimmwagen under escort by U.S. officers. The journey itself was perilous; the river was swollen with spring melt, and the only viable crossing point near the historic town of Tangermünde featured a railroad bridge that German engineers had partially demolished weeks earlier to slow the Allied advance. Now, under a flag of truce, Edelsheim met representatives of the U.S. Ninth Army, including elements of the 102nd Infantry Division, near the western approaches to the damaged structure. Calm and resolute despite the surrounding chaos, he outlined the dire situation: his men were out of ammunition, fuel, and supplies, with Soviet artillery already audible in the distance. The negotiations were brief but pragmatic; the Americans agreed to accept the surrender of combat and non-combat personnel alike, providing medical aid for the wounded while forbidding further organized resistance or attempts to cross in strength once Soviet forces arrived at the eastern bank.

Word of the agreement spread rapidly through the German columns. Between 4 and 7 May 1945, a human tide converged on the Tangermünde bridge. Soldiers from panzer and infantry units, many still carrying their rifles or dragging exhausted horses, shuffled across the twisted girders and makeshift planking alongside thousands of civilians pushing carts laden with belongings. The partially destroyed span swayed under the weight of the desperate procession, yet it held long enough for an estimated 100,000 people to reach the western shore. On the American side, GIs watched in astonishment as disciplined German officers supervised the orderly stacking of weapons—rifles, machine guns, and Panzerfausts piled in neat heaps—while medical teams tended to the most severely injured. Edelsheim himself returned briefly to the eastern bank to ensure compliance, then formally surrendered with his staff and the last organized elements of his corps. Photographs from the scene capture the surreal calm: German generals in greatcoats being escorted in U.S. vehicles, weary troops handing over sidearms to sergeants, and long lines of prisoners forming under the watchful eyes of American sentries.

The capitulation at Tangermünde marked the effective end of the 12th Army as a fighting force and saved countless lives from potential Soviet captivity. For Edelsheim and his men, the crossing represented both defeat and deliverance; they had evaded the fate of units trapped farther east, where summary executions and forced marches awaited many. By 7 May, with Soviet troops reaching the eastern bridgehead and halting further movement, the bridge fell silent except for the occasional crack of small-arms fire as stragglers were rounded up. Edelsheim was taken into American custody on 8 May 1945, the day of Germany's unconditional surrender, and spent the next two years in U.S. prisoner-of-war camps before his release in March 1947.





General der Panzertruppe Maximilian Reichsfreiherr von Edelsheim (Kommandierender General XXXXVIII. Panzerkorps). Behind him is Oberstleutnant i.G. Seidel.







Source :
Photo courtesy of US Army Signal Corps. Colourised by Richard James Molloy
https://www.facebook.com/worldwarincolor/photos/general-der-panzertruppe-maximilian-von-edelsheim-and-other-officers-leave-in-th/1145807355549055/
https://www.vesteburg.com/begegnung/beg_geschichte.html
https://forum.axishistory.com/viewtopic.php?f=5&t=164870
https://www.zweiterweltkrieg.org/phpBB2/viewtopic.php?p=3001

Bio of General der Infanterie Hermann Recknagel (1892-1945)


Full name: Hermann Recknagel  
Nickname: No information  

Date of Birth: 18.07.1892 - Strauchmühle bei Hofgeismar, Hessen-Nassau (German Empire)  
Date of Death: 23.01.1945 - near Petrikau (Piotrków Trybunalski), General Government (Poland)

Battles and Operations: World War I (Western Front and Eastern Front), Invasion of Poland 1939, Battle of France 1940, Operation Barbarossa, Donets Basin operations, Caucasus campaign, Eastern Front defensive battles 1943-1944, Lviv-Sandomierz Offensive, Vistula-Oder Offensive  

NSDAP-Number: No information  
SS-Number: No information  
Religion: No information  
Parents: Adolf Karl Ferdinand Recknagel (estate tenant/Gutspächter) and Marie Nanny Lydia Recknagel, née vom Hof  
Siblings: No information (youngest son of the family)  
Spouse: Carola von Hertzberg (born 23.02.1903 in Borkau, died 19.09.1961 in Kassel; married 28.10.1924 in Beulwitz)  
Children: No information  

Promotions:
25.09.1913 Fahnenjunker/Offiziersanwärter (Infanterie-Regiment 83)  
06.08.1914 Leutnant  
18.04.1918 Oberleutnant  
01.10.1926 Hauptmann  
01.08.1934 Major  
01.03.1937 Oberstleutnant  
01.02.1940 Oberst  
01.05.1942 Generalmajor  
01.06.1943 Generalleutnant  
01.07.1944 General der Infanterie  

Career:
25.09.1913-1918 Zugführer and Regimentsadjutant, Infanterie-Regiment 83 (WWI service on Western and Eastern Fronts, wounded multiple times)  
1919 Freikorps Maercker, then transferred to Reichswehr-Brigade 16  
1919-1920 various staff and regimental posts in Weimar and Infanterie-Regiment 32/12  
01.10.1921-30.09.1922 Batterieoffizier for Führergehilfenausbildung, Artillerie-Regiment 4 (Dresden)  
1922-1934 regimental adjutant and company commander, Infanterie-Regiment 12 (Halberstadt/Quedlinburg)  
01.10.1934 Kommandeur II. Bataillon, Infanterie-Regiment 54 (Glogau, later 18. Infanterie-Division)  
26.08.1939-1941 Kommandeur Infanterie-Regiment 54 (Poland and Western campaigns)  
01.01.1942-15.08.1943 and 30.08.1943-01.11.1943 Kommandeur 111. Infanterie-Division (Eastern Front)  
15.11.1943-25.02.1944 Leiter Sonderstab I (Operationsabteilung Ost), OKH  
28.04.1944-14.06.1944 stellvertretender Führer, then 14.06.1944-23.01.1945 Kommandierender General XXXXII. Armeekorps (Eastern Front)  
Posthumously listed in Wehrmachtbericht for defensive actions  

Awards and Decorations:
Eisernes Kreuz (1914) 2. Klasse (01.10.1914)  
Eisernes Kreuz (1914) 1. Klasse (30.09.1916)  
Verwundetenabzeichen 1918 in Silber  
Waldeckisches Verdienstkreuz IV. Klasse mit Schwertern  
Österreichisches Militärverdienstkreuz III. Klasse mit Kriegsdekoration  
Spange zum Eisernen Kreuz (1939) 2. Klasse (22.09.1939)  
Spange zum Eisernen Kreuz (1939) 1. Klasse (02.10.1939)  
Ritterkreuz des Eisernen Kreuzes (05.08.1940 as Oberst and Kommandeur Infanterie-Regiment 54 / 18. Infanterie-Division. In the final phase of the Westfeldzug, during the fierce fighting for the fortress-port of Dunkirk on 3 June 1940, Recknagel personally led the vanguard elements of his regiment in a direct assault against heavily fortified British and French rearguard positions. The city was still shrouded in smoke from the evacuation beaches, with enemy machine-gun nests, artillery observers, and barricaded buildings turning every street into a killing zone. Under Recknagel’s command the regiment smashed through the outer perimeter in bitter house-to-house combat, overrunning strongpoints that had held up larger German formations for days. His forward presence inspired the troops to press the attack despite heavy casualties from sniper fire and mortar barrages; by nightfall key heights and the eastern approaches had fallen. The following day, 4 June, the city was fully secured. The Wehrmachtbericht of 8 June 1940 explicitly praised the regiment’s outstanding performance in the capture of the Dunkirk fortress, noting that one infantry regiment under an unnamed but clearly identifiable commander had distinguished itself above all others. This action sealed Recknagel’s reputation as a front-line regimental leader who could break the toughest resistance when everything hung in the balance.
Deutsches Kreuz in Gold (11.02.1943 als Generalmajor und Kommandeur 111. Infanterie-Division)  
Ritterkreuz des Eisernen Kreuzes mit Eichenlaub #319 (06.11.1943) as Generalleutnant and Kommandeur 111. Infanterie-Division. By the high summer of 1943 the Soviet Donets Basin offensive had torn open the German lines north of Taganrog. Recknagel, now commanding the 111. Infanterie-Division and temporarily elevated to lead Korpsgruppe Recknagel (a battle group built around the 111th and elements of the 336th Infantry Division), found his forces encircled against the coast of the Sea of Azov. For two desperate weeks, from mid-August until 30 August, the Kampfgruppen fought a series of savage defensive actions in the villages of Kamyschewacha, Many, and Uspenskaja. In blinding dust and 40-degree heat, German grenadiers and anti-tank crews destroyed 273 Soviet tanks in close combat—Panzerfaust teams stalking T-34s through burning wheat fields, 8.8 cm guns firing over open sights at point-blank range, and infantry assaults that left the steppe littered with wrecked armor and corpses. When the ring finally closed and the XXIX. Armeekorps was pressed against the sea, Recknagel refused to wait for relief. On the morning of 31 August he personally directed the breakout of the main Kampfgruppe 111./336. Infanterie-Division. Under cover of a violent artillery barrage and the last remaining assault guns, the columns slipped through the Soviet cordon in a night march across open steppe, fighting off repeated tank-infantry counterattacks, wading rivers, and carrying their wounded. By dawn they had linked up with German lines near Mariupol-Melitopol, saving thousands of men who would otherwise have been lost. The citation highlighted this masterful fighting withdrawal and the enormous tank-kill tally as the decisive factor that prevented the total collapse of the southern sector.
Ritterkreuz des Eisernen Kreuzes mit Eichenlaub und Schwertern #104 (23.10.1944) as General der Infanterie and Kommandierender General XXXXII. Armeekorps. After the catastrophe of Operation Bagration and the simultaneous Lvov-Sandomierz Offensive, Recknagel’s XXXXII. Armeekorps became the anchor of the collapsing front in the great bend of the Vistula in early August 1944. Soviet armored spearheads had crossed the river at Baranow and were threatening to rip the entire German line apart. With only two understrength divisions—the 88. Infanterie-Division (Franco-Sudeten) and the 72. Infanterie-Division (Hessian-Moselle)—Recknagel faced massed tank armies in swampy, forested terrain criss-crossed by streams and ravines. For weeks the corps fought a textbook mobile defense: Recknagel shuttled his few reserves from crisis to crisis, launching sharp counterattacks at dawn and dusk, using the river bends and villages as natural strongpoints, and coordinating every available artillery piece and Nebelwerfer battery into concentrated fire missions that shredded Soviet infantry waves. On 19 August the Wehrmachtbericht praised the “unshakeable courage and bold recklessness” of the troops under his command in the great bend of the Vistula. A second communique on 9 September noted that his corps had sealed off the dangerous Soviet bridgehead west of Baranow through repeated counter-thrusts, preventing a major breakout that could have unhinged the entire central sector. Despite being outnumbered ten to one in armor and constantly threatened with encirclement, Recknagel’s leadership held the line long enough for the front to be stabilized, turning a potential rout into an orderly fighting withdrawal that bought the German high command critical breathing space.
Infanterie-Sturmabzeichen  
Ehrenkreuz für Frontkämpfer  

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Hermann Recknagel was a German general of the infantry who served with distinction in both world wars and rose to command a corps on the Eastern Front during the Second World War. Born on 18 July 1892 in Strauchmühle near Hofgeismar in the Prussian province of Hesse-Nassau, he came from a family of estate tenants with possible Huguenot roots and was the youngest son of Adolf Karl Ferdinand Recknagel and Marie Nanny Lydia Recknagel. Recknagel entered the Imperial German Army in 1913 as a cadet in Infantry Regiment 83 and fought on both the Western and Eastern Fronts in the First World War, where he was wounded several times and earned the Iron Cross in both classes along with other decorations. After the armistice he briefly served in the Freikorps Maercker before transferring into the Reichswehr, steadily advancing through regimental and staff positions during the interwar years until he commanded Infantry Regiment 54 at the outbreak of the new conflict in 1939.

Recknagel’s regiment participated in the invasion of Poland and the subsequent campaign in the West, where it distinguished itself in the final assault on the port of Dunkirk in June 1940. On 3 June, with the beaches still shrouded in smoke from the ongoing British evacuation, Recknagel personally led the vanguard of his regiment against heavily fortified British and French rearguard positions. Machine-gun nests, artillery observers hidden in upper floors, and barricaded buildings turned every street corner into a deadly ambush. Undeterred, he pushed his men forward in bitter house-to-house fighting, overrunning strongpoints that had stalled larger formations for days. By nightfall key heights overlooking the eastern approaches had fallen, and the following day the fortress city was secured. The Wehrmacht communiqué of 8 June praised the regiment’s outstanding performance, and for this action Recknagel received the Knight’s Cross of the Iron Cross on 5 August 1940.

Transferred to the Eastern Front with the 18th Infantry Division and later given command of the 111th Infantry Division in January 1942, Recknagel led his formation through the grueling campaigns in the Donets Basin and the Caucasus. By high summer 1943 the Soviet summer offensive had torn open the German lines north of Taganrog, and Recknagel found himself temporarily elevated to command Korpsgruppe Recknagel, a battle group built around the 111th and elements of the 336th Infantry Division. Encircled against the coast of the Sea of Azov, his troops fought a desperate two-week defensive battle in the villages of Kamyschewacha, Many, and Uspenskaja under blinding dust and scorching heat. German grenadiers and anti-tank crews destroyed 273 Soviet tanks in close combat, with Panzerfaust teams stalking T-34s through burning wheat fields and 8.8 cm guns firing over open sights at point-blank range. When the ring finally closed, Recknagel refused to await relief. On the morning of 31 August he directed a violent breakout under cover of artillery and the last assault guns; the columns slipped through the Soviet cordon in a night march across open steppe, fighting off repeated tank-infantry counterattacks, wading rivers, and carrying their wounded until they linked up with German lines near Mariupol-Melitopol. For this masterful fighting withdrawal he was awarded the Oak Leaves to the Knight’s Cross on 6 November 1943.

In April 1944 Recknagel assumed command of the XLII Army Corps, which he led through the catastrophic Soviet summer offensive that followed Operation Bagration and the simultaneous Lvov-Sandomierz Offensive. With only two understrength divisions—the 88th Infantry Division and the 72nd Infantry Division—he faced massed Soviet tank armies in swampy, forested terrain criss-crossed by streams and ravines in the great bend of the Vistula. For weeks the corps conducted a textbook mobile defense, shuttling its few reserves from crisis point to crisis point, launching sharp counterattacks at dawn and dusk, and using river bends and villages as natural strongpoints. Every available artillery piece and Nebelwerfer battery was coordinated into concentrated fire missions that shredded Soviet infantry waves. On 19 August the Wehrmacht communiqué praised the unshakeable courage and bold recklessness of the troops under his command, and a second report on 9 September noted that the corps had sealed off the dangerous Soviet bridgehead west of Baranow through repeated counter-thrusts, preventing a major breakout that could have unhinged the entire central sector. For these defensive actions Recknagel received the Swords to the Knight’s Cross on 23 October 1944.

Despite being outnumbered ten to one in armor and constantly threatened with encirclement, Recknagel’s leadership held the line long enough for the front to be stabilized, turning a potential rout into an orderly fighting withdrawal that bought the German high command critical breathing space. By January 1945, however, the Vistula-Oder Offensive had shattered the German defenses once more. As his corps remnants fought as a wandering pocket amid the chaos, Recknagel was killed in action on 23 January 1945 near Petrikau when Soviet partisans shot him during close-quarters fighting. At the time of his death he held the rank of General der Infanterie and was one of the last high-ranking Wehrmacht generals to fall in combat on the Eastern Front.

Recknagel was married in 1924 to Carola von Hertzberg, a noblewoman from Borkau, and the couple remained together until his death; he left no known children. Throughout his career he was remembered by contemporaries as a calm, decisive leader whose personal example and tactical skill repeatedly turned near-disaster into successful resistance. His progression from regimental assault commander in the West to corps commander on the collapsing Eastern Front traced the arc of the German Army’s fortunes across two world wars, and his three highest decorations—the Knight’s Cross, Oak Leaves, and Swords—were each earned through direct, hands-on command in the most desperate battles of the conflict.









Source:  
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hermann_Recknagel  
https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hermann_Recknagel_(General)  
https://www.tracesofwar.com/persons/16350/Recknagel-Hermann-General-der-Infanterie.htm  
https://www.lexikon-der-wehrmacht.de/Personenregister/R/RecknagelH.htm  
https://rk.balsi.de/index.php?action=list&cat=300  
https://www.geni.com/people/Hermann-Recknagel/6000000200628949835  
Scherzer, Veit. Die Ritterkreuzträger 1939-1945. Jena 2007.  
Patzwall, Klaus D. & Scherzer, Veit. Das Deutsche Kreuz 1941-1945. Norderstedt 2001.  
https://www.unithistories.com/units_index/index.php?file=/officers/personsx.html  
https://forum.axishistory.com/  
https://www.wehrmacht-awards.com/forums/  
https://web.archive.org/web/20091027052912fw_/http://geocities.com/orion47.geo/index2.html  
https://books.google.com/ (various references to Scherzer and unit histories)  
https://grokipedia.com/ (cross-reference for award details)

Saturday, December 21, 2024

Heinz Guderian and Enigma Machine


General der Panzertruppe Heinz Guderian (Kommandierender General XIX. Armeekorps) in a Sd.Kfz. 251/3 halftrack during German military campaign in France, May 1940. Note early 3-rotor Enigma machine in use. The Enigma was used by the German Army, Air Force, and Navy—as shown here. The SS, police, secret services, Reichspost (postal) service, railways, and German Foreign Office all used Enigma, too. Altogether, the Germans used about 50,000 Enigma machines during the war. Guderian, like many German commanders, preferred to direct operations from as close to the frontline as possible. His vehicle is fitted with a large radio and an enigma cipher machine for communications with high command and other units in the field. Waiting close by are several motorcycle dispatch riders, ready to carry messages to units in the thick of the fighting. The picture was taken by Kriegsberichter Erich Borchert.



General der Panzertruppe Heinz Guderian (Kommandierender General XIX. Armeekorps) in a Sd.Kfz. 251/3 halftrack during German military campaign in France, May 1940. Note early 3-rotor Enigma machine in use. The Enigma was used by the German Army, Air Force, and Navy—as shown here. The SS, police, secret services, Reichspost (postal) service, railways, and German Foreign Office all used Enigma, too. Altogether, the Germans used about 50,000 Enigma machines during the war. Guderian, like many German commanders, preferred to direct operations from as close to the frontline as possible. His vehicle is fitted with a large radio and an enigma cipher machine for communications with high command and other units in the field. Waiting close by are several motorcycle dispatch riders, ready to carry messages to units in the thick of the fighting. The picture was taken by Kriegsberichter Erich Borchert.



General der Panzertruppe Heinz Guderian (Kommandierender General XIX. Armeekorps) in a Sd.Kfz. 251/3 halftrack during German military campaign in France, May 1940. Note early 3-rotor Enigma machine in use. The Enigma was used by the German Army, Air Force, and Navy—as shown here. The SS, police, secret services, Reichspost (postal) service, railways, and German Foreign Office all used Enigma, too. Altogether, the Germans used about 50,000 Enigma machines during the war. Guderian, like many German commanders, preferred to direct operations from as close to the frontline as possible. His vehicle is fitted with a large radio and an enigma cipher machine for communications with high command and other units in the field. Waiting close by are several motorcycle dispatch riders, ready to carry messages to units in the thick of the fighting. The picture was taken by Kriegsberichter Erich Borchert.


Source :
Bundesarchiv Bild 101I-769-0229-12A
https://artsandculture.google.com/asset/photograph-of-general-field-marshal-heinz-guderian-and-a-radio-operator-with-the-enigma-encryption-machine-in-a-medium-weight-radio-tank-sd-kfz-251-3-during-the-battle-of-france-in-may-1940-eric-borchert-1911-1942/egFgPmhlnuoChA?hl=en
https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/general-heinz-guderian-france-1940-news-photo/809916960
https://ww2db.com/image.php?image_id=9077
https://weaponsandwarfare.com/2021/01/02/german-army-frontline-leadership/

Heinz Guderian Inside Sd.Kfz. 251


General der Panzertruppe Heinz Guderian (Kommandierender General XIX. Armeekorps) inside a Sd.Kfz. 251/3 halftrack. This vehicle was a familiar sight, widely associated with the German infantry during all of World War Two.The halftrack was one of the several solutions given to the problem of low off-road capabilities of trucks and associated “special purpose vehicles” (Sonderkraftfahrzeug). The picture was taken by Kriegsberichter Erich Borchert in May 1940 during German military campaign in France.

Source :
Bundesarchiv Bild 101I-769-0229-15A
https://www.bridgemanimages.com/en/noartistknown/heinz-guderian/photo/asset/2556960

Friday, July 5, 2024

Léon Degrelle and Herbert Otto Gille in Cherkassy


SS-Hauptsturmführer der Reserve Léon Degrelle (left, Kommandeur 5. SS-Freiwilligen-Sturmbrigade "Wallonien") and SS-Gruppenführer und Generalleutnant der Waffen-SS Herbert Otto Gille (Kommandeur 5. SS-Panzer-Division "Wiking") during the Battle of Cherkassy Pocket (24 January – 16 February 1944). This picture was taken by SS-Kriegsberichter Briessa with the original press photo caption as follow: "Zu den Durchbruckskämpfen westlich Tscherkassy. Die für die erfolgreichen Durchbruchskämpfe westlich Tscherkassy Ausgezeichneten. Im Vordergrund der vom Führer mit den Schwertern zum Eichenlaub des Ritterkreuzes ausgezeichneten SS-Gruppenführer und Generalleutnant der Waffen-SS Herbert Gille und der mit dem Ritterkreuz ausgezeichnete SS-Hauptsturmführer Leon Degrelle." (On the breakthrough battles west of Cherkasy. Those awarded for the successful breakthrough battles west of Cherkasy. In the foreground, SS-Gruppenführer and Lieutenant General of the Waffen-SS Herbert Gille, who was awarded the Swords to the Oak Leaves of the Knight's Cross by the Führer, and SS-Hauptsturmführer Leon Degrelle, who was awarded the Knight's Cross).

Source :
https://beeldbankwo2.nl/nl/beelden/detail/cfe82f10-0259-11e7-904b-d89d6717b464/media/eecd18f7-1791-1002-347c-fb72791b3337?mode=detail&view=horizontal&q=gille&rows=1&page=5
https://dutchmilitaria.com/product/pressphoto-ss-gruppenfuhrer-ss-panzergrenadier-division-wiking-herbert-gille-ss-hauptsturmfuhrer-leon-degrelle-extremeley-rare/
http://www.mourningtheancient.com/truth4z3.htm

Friday, June 7, 2024

5. Panzerarmee in the Ardennes Offensive


General der Panzertruppe Hasso von Manteuffel (Oberbefehlshaber 5. Panzerarmee) during the Ardennes Offensive, December 1944.


In his offensive gamble in the Ardennes in late 1944, Hitler gave the German 5th Panzer Army just 72 hours to reach the Meuse River. But he failed to factor in American grit.

By: Mike Phifer

In the early morning of December 16, 1944, 80-man German shock companies from the 5th Panzer Army slipped toward the American lines in the Ardennes region under the cover of heavy fog. They intended to slip past the sleepy American outposts and get behind the Allied line in the mountainous region that straddled Belgium and Luxembourg. The shock troops cut any communication wires they found. When the main attack came, it was hoped these shock troops would be poised and ready to pounce on the American defenders before they had time to react. Behind them the rest of the 5th Panzer Army anxiously awaited the signal to attack.

German gunners readied their artillery pieces and looked at their watches. They were waiting for the order to unleash a heavy barrage on the American forces. Besides the 5th Panzer Army, two other German armies, the 6th Panzer Army to the north and the 7th Army to the south, were poised to attack the mostly unsuspecting American GIs. At 5:30 am, the order was issued for the artillery to fire. The German guns roared to life, spitting orange flames from their muzzles in the darkness. German leader Adolf Hitler’s desperate offensive gamble in the West to drive the Allies from Germany’s doorstep and possibly change the course of the war had begun.

The 5th Panzer Army was commanded by General der Panzertruppe Hasso von Manteuffel. A veteran of World War I, Manteuffel became an adherent of the concept of armored warfare in the 1930s while serving under then Colonel Heinz Guderian. Anxious to get into the war, Manteuffel saw action on the Eastern Front commanding a battalion, then a regiment, and next a brigade. Transferred to North Africa, Manteuffel proved himself a capable divisional commander in Tunisia. Evacuated in May 1943 just before the Axis forces there surrendered, a month later Manteuffel took command of the 7th Panzer Division in Russia and later the Grossdeutschland Panzergrenadier Division.

Hitler took a liking to Manteuffel, who had earned the Knight’s Cross with Oak Leaves and Swords, and he promoted him to full general, placing him in command of the 5th Panzer Army on September 1, 1944. Thus, Manteuffel found himself battling Lt. Gen. George Patton’s U.S. Third Army in the Lorraine region of northeastern France.

On November 2, Manteuffel was informed of the plan deceptively code-named Wacht em Rhein (Watch on the Rhine), which called for the 5th and 6th Panzer Armies, supported by the 7th Army, to smash through the weakly held American position in the Ardennes, cross the Meuse River, and drive for Antwerp. The goal was to isolate and trap the British and Canadian armies, as well the American 1st and 9th Armies. Manteuffel was shocked by the plan. As a realistic frontline commander, he believed the plan had little chance of success.

In late November, Manteuffel donned a colonel’s uniform to disguise himself and headed to the Eifel front to reconnoiter the sector he was to attack. In the rolling country of the Ardennes, heavily wooded and dotted with farmland, Manteuffel planned to make every effort to reach the Meuse River. In the northern part of Manteuffel’s sector lay the heavily wooded ridge of the Schnee Eifel where open ground existed on the northern end in the Losheim Gap. The Ardennes possessed an extensive network of roads, most of which were gravel. The twisting roads generally followed stream valleys, quite often running in a north-south direction.

Speaking with officers and soldiers manning the front line, Manteuffel was informed that in this quiet sector the Americans kept watch until about an hour after dark. Afterward, they headed to their huts to get some sleep. An hour before dawn, they returned to their positions. During the night German patrols had little problem slipping miles behind the American lines. Manteuffel believed a preliminary artillery barrage would only serve to alert the enemy of an attack. He wanted the shock companies to infiltrate enemy lines before the barrage. In a December 2 meeting with Hitler, Manteuffel obtained permission to infiltrate the American lines in his sector. Manteuffel also recommended bouncing searchlight beams off the clouds to give his troops artificial moonlight to help them move into position in the woods east of the Our River. Hitler agreed to the plan.

Using the dark forest of the Eifel for cover, the bulk of the assault divisions assembled about 12 miles behind the front on the night of December 12. Two nights later the troops moved closer to the front line. During the build up, Manteuffel issued instructions that vehicles should only move at night to avoid detection.

The 5th Panzer Army comprised the 66th Army Corps under General der Artillerie Walther Lucht, 58th Panzer Corps under General der Panzertruppen Walter Krüger, and 47th Corps under General der Panzertruppen Heinrich von Lüttwitz. Once the fighting began, Manteuffel planned to obtain Hitler’s Begleit Brigade, a division-size unit under Hitler’s direct control.

Manteuffel had some concern about the new Volksgrenadier divisions made up largely of Kriegsmarine and Luftwaffe personnel who had seen little combat and had not been properly trained, although they were supposedly led by experienced officers. The 5th Panzer Army had about 396 tanks and self-propelled guns, 963 artillery pieces, four divisions of infantry, and three panzer divisions, totaling about 90,000 men.

The 5th Panzer Army was deployed north to south as follows: 66th Corps, 58th Panzer Corps, and 47th Panzer Corps. Krüger’s 58th Panzer Corps was to push west over the Our River and capture crossing points over the Meuse River between Namur and Andenne. Lüttwitz’s 47th Panzer Corps was cross the Our River, drive hard for Clerf, and then take Bastogne, an important road center, before finally pushing west to capture crossings over the Meuse south of Namur.

To the north of Manteuffel’s two panzer corps was the Schnee Eifel, which was held by the green 106th Infantry Division of the U.S. First Army. The division had recently moved up to the front line to get much needed experience, although in a quiet sector. As the area it held protruded through the Siegfried Line and posed a possible threat to the 5th Panzer Army, Manteuffel ordered Lucht’s 66th Corps to envelope and destroy the 106th Division and capture the key road hub of St. Vith. The other American units facing Manteuffel were two regiments from the veteran 28th Division, resting and refitting after suffering heavy losses in the Hürtgen Forest in November.

The Germans attacked on December 16. A report from an observation post of the U.S. 110th Infantry Regiment of the VIII Corps in Hosingen noted at 5:30 am that the entire German line was a series of pinpoints of lights. A few seconds later, shells began slamming down in the town and along the whole American line; they would continue to do so for 45 minutes, smashing buildings, splintering trees, and cutting telephone lines. A short time afterward, German armor and infantry units swept forward.

The 18th Volksgrenadier Division of Lucht’s corps, which had been posted on the Eifel salient since October and knew the terrain, was given the task of encircling two regiments of the exposed U.S. 106th Division east of the Our River. Two regiments of the German division and a detachment of self-propelled guns moved through the southern end of the Losheim Gap, while the third regiment attempted to encircle the American position from the south at the village of Bleialf.

Thirty minutes after the artillery barrage lifted, the village was attacked by the 293rd Regiment of the 18th Volksgrenadier Division. With a makeshift force of troops from the supply, headquarters, cannon, and engineer companies, Colonel Charles Cavender, commander of the 423rd Infantry, 106th Division counterattacked with support from artillery and two guns from the 820th Tank Destroyer Battalion posted nearby. Moving from house to house, the GIs drove the Germans out of the village except for a few buildings near the railroad. The Americans held the village for the rest of the day.

Things went better for the rest of the 18th Volksgrenadier farther north in the Losheim Gap. German shock troops had easily slipped past outposts of the U.S. 14th Cavalry Group posted on the border between the attacking 5th and 6th Panzer Armies and by daylight were pushing for the crossroads village of Auw to the rear of the 422nd Infantry Regiment, 106th Division. Cavalry outposts at the villages of Roth and Kobscheid north and east of Auw soon were under attack by dawn. Initially American shellfire stopped a company of volksgrenadiers at Roth. By 8:30 am, though, an urgent message reported the Germans were in the village and enemy armor was firing on the command post. It was the last message from Roth.

By 9 am, the Germans had infiltrated Kobscheid. The nearby village of Weckerath was under attack, too. The situation was becoming serious as the day progressed, and those outposts that were not already overrun were evacuated. This was part of the 14th Cavalry’s withdrawal first to the Manderfield Ridge and then two miles farther east to a ridgeline that stretched from Andler to Holzhiem. By nightfall, the 5th Panzer Army had achieved a breakthrough in the northern part of its sector.

Attacking south of the 18th Volksgrenadier was the 62nd Volksgrenadier Division, a green unit of the 66th Corps. Its objective was to breach the American line held by the U.S. 424th Infantry Regiment, 106th Division and reach Winterspelt and access to the macadam road leading to St. Vith before pushing farther west to the Meuse.

Out of the early morning mist shock companies attacked the 3rd Battalion, 424th Infantry at Heckhuscheid. In fierce fighting, the Germans were driven back as the American battalion threw in its reserve company, bagging 200 prisoners. At Eigelscheid, machine-gun and small-arms fire from a small band of GIs from the 424th cut down the inexperienced volksgrenadiers, who were attacking in bunches and firing their weapons wildly. American artillery fire added to the Germans’ misery. Despite the determined American resistance, the Germans had numbers on their side and managed to capture some of the buildings in the village. As the fighting raged the Americans were forced to give up the village and withdraw toward Winterspelt.

South of the 66th Corps, Krüger’s 58th Panzer Corps attacked on a front from Heckhuscheid to Leidenborn intending to capture bridges over the Our River. Blocking its way were two battalions of the U.S. 112th Infantry Regiment, 28th Division posted on the east side of the river. They were partially dug into foxholes and manning the captured pillboxes of the Siegfried Line. Another battalion of the regiment, which acted as the reserve, was on the west side of the river.

There was no artillery barrage in this area in the first moments of the attack. This was done to achieve complete surprise so that the Germans might capture the bridges intact. About 6:20 am, German artillery and nebelwerfers did open up attempting to knock out the Americans’ artillery and reserve positions. Despite the initial surprise and penetration by the 560th Volksgrenadier Division, which saw elements reach one of the bridges at Ouren, the GIs from the 112th Infantry forced the Germans back after bringing in their reserves and calling in artillery and mortar support.

Meanwhile, the 116th Panzer Division, attacking about 200 hundred yards south of the 62nd Volksgrenadier against the forward battalion of the 424th, was hit hard with small-arms fire. Five Panzer Mark IVs rolled into action. One was knocked out by a 57mm antitank gun, and a second one was hit with a bazooka round. The other three turned back.

Elsewhere other attacking elements of the 116th did little better, although one assault company did get behind the command post of the 1st Battalion, U.S. 112th Infantry. Daylight found the advance party of the assault company in the open. Interlocking machine-gun and small-arms fire quickly isolated them. By noon, the GIs facing them were rounding up so many prisoners they could not handle all of them. Some attacking Germans did manage to reach an American battery at Welchenhausen but were stopped cold by heavy machine-gun fire. By the end of the day the bridges were in still American hands. However, the GIs of the 112th Infantry Regiment in their exposed position east of the Our River knew the Germans would be back. One U.S. soldier scrawled in his diary: “This place is not healthy anymore.”

Attacking south of the 58th Panzer Corps was Lüttwitz’s 47th Panzer Corps. Assault companies from the 26th Volksgrenadier Division slipped across the Our River in rubber boats with orders to head west past a highway overlooking the river. Manteuffel wanted the 26th Volksgrenadier to reach the Clerf River by nightfall. Standing in his way was the U.S. 110th Infantry Regiment posted mostly in little villages which the Germans had orders simply to bypass, leaving them to be mopped up by following units. The Germans planned to capture the villages of Marnach and Hosingen, both of which controlled key roads.

South of Hosingen an American platoon was quickly overrun, while behind the village a battery came under attack. German shock companies were spotted near other villages and fired upon, and in some places pinned down by artillery fire. Bitter fighting soon raged throughout the day as the lightly armed 28th Volksgrenadier and panzergrenadiers from the 2nd Panzer Division fought for control of various villages. The GIs hung on, hammering the attacking Germans with machine-gun and small-arms fire. Mortar rounds and artillery shells came crashing down on the Germans, but they continued to fight desperately. Two companies of the 707th Tank Battalion arrived to buttress American positions in the sector.

At the Our River, German engineers struggled to construct bridges near Dasburg and Gemünd to allow the tanks and self-propelled guns of the 2nd Panzer Divisions and the Panzer Lehr Division, now bogged down in a traffic jam, to get across the river and help break through the American lines. By 1 pm, a bridge was completed near Dasburg. Ten tanks rumbled across before a following tank turned too short, hit the bridge, and plunged into the river. The Germans did not get the bridge repaired until 4 pm. By that time, the engineers had also completed a bridge at Gemünd.

With armor support and more firepower, the Germans were able to capture Marnach by midnight. The GIs still hung on in Hosingen. The 110th, heavily outnumbered, had done well, throwing the German timetable back. The 5th Panzer Army was off schedule, although it had managed a breakthrough in the Losheim Gap where it threatened to encircle the two regiments of the 106th Division. Although Manteuffel’s use of infiltrating troops had paid off in certain areas, it had not been a good day for the Germans.

On the morning of December 17, a counterattack by the 2nd Battalion, 110th Infantry Regiment at Marnach quickly bumped into advancing German infantry. Meanwhile, 18 light tanks from the 707th Tank Battalion came under fire from German self-propelled guns and panzerfausts. Eleven were knocked out. A small American force did manage to make it to Marnach, but it drew heavy German fire, and it became obvious it could not retake the town.

The Americans then shifted their focus toward halting the German advance west on the winding road toward the village of Clerf, which the 2nd Panzer Division needed to capture to reach Bastogne. About mid-morning two platoons of Mark IVs and 30 half-tracks loaded with panzergrenadiers from the 2nd Panzer Division approaching the town were met by a platoon of Shermans from the 707th Tank Battalion. Three Shermans were knocked out, while four German tanks were destroyed. The Germans diverted their column to another road.

Another platoon of Shermans moved into Clerf and knocked out the leading Mark IV, temporarily blocking the road. Nineteen more American tanks from Company B, 2nd Tank Battalion, 9th Armored Division rolled into town and were dispersed where needed.

Despite the reinforcements, the 2nd Panzer Division soon captured Clerf. Tank shells smashed into the command post of Colonel Hurley Fuller, commander of the 110th Regiment. Fuller attempted to escape with his staff but was soon captured. Clerf was in German hands, but American resistance was not done yet. At the south end of town in a chateau by the south bridge, a group of GIs held on before finally surrendering the following day.

Meanwhile, the 116th Panzer Division continued its assault on Ouren. After hammering the Americans at Ouren with artillery and nebelwerfer fire, the tanks and panzergrenadiers attacked. While the GIs staggered the infantry, the tanks pushed on, hammering the American foxholes with cannon and machine-gun fire. A platoon of self-propelled guns from 811th Tank Destroyer Battalion, Combat Command Reserve (CCR), 9th Armored Division, which had reached Harspelt, knocked out four German tanks. The return fire left only one self-propelled gun still intact. The German tanks continued to rumble toward Ouren only to come under howitzer fire from the cannon company of the 112th Infantry, which knocked out four of them.

Artillery fire from Battery C, 229th Field Artillery also helped slow the attacking German tanks, while antiaircraft half-tracks sporting quadruple mounted .50-caliber machine guns cut down the panzergrenadiers.

As the day wore on the Americans continued to hold Ouren, but their position was becoming tenuous with German infantry attempting to infiltrate and firing on their command post. The Americans received orders to evacuate the town but were unable to blow the bridges due the Germans being too close. It did not matter because the Germans later discovered that the bridges would not support the weight of their tanks. Manteuffel and Krüger had to divert the tanks south to cross at Dasburg in the 47th Corps sector. While the clock continued ticking for the Germans, more time was wasted.

The 112th Infantry ended up at St. Vith, where it joined other American troops preparing to defend the vital crossroads town. Bleialf finally fell to the southern battle group of the 18th Volksgrenadier at dawn on December 17. At about 9 am, the two German battle groups made contact, encircling two regiments of the 106th Division. The lead German battalions were then ordered to push west toward St. Vith, getting within a couple miles of the town by nightfall.

With no help available, the two trapped regiments of the 106th Division were ordered to break out toward St. Vith on December 18. In their retreat, they were advised to avoid the German buildup at Schönberg. It was on the road to this town, located about six miles east of St. Vith, that the German armor was bogged down in a huge traffic jam due to bad roads and mud.

At the same time, the 18th Volksgrenadier probed the American line a mile east of St. Vith on high ground called Prumerberg, where the 168th Engineer Combat Battalion was entrenching and waiting for the arrival of CCB, 7th Armored Division to bolster the line. Manteuffel needed the road network in St. Vith and the east-west rail line to keep German forces supplied once they reached the Meuse River. The Führer Begleit Brigade was to be brought in to help the 66th Corps take the village, but massive traffic jams to the rear of the 5th Panzer Army slowed the brigade’s advance.
Counterattacking American forces, fuel shortages, and traffic jams all served to unravel the German Army’s ambitious plan to capture the bridges over the Meuse and continue toward Antwerp.
Counterattacking American forces, fuel shortages, and traffic jams all served to unravel the German Army’s ambitious plan to capture the bridges over the Meuse and continue toward Antwerp.

To the southeast of St. Vith, Winterspelt finally fell to the 62nd Volksgrenadier. The advancing volksgrenadiers were bloodied at Steinebruck on the Our River by Combat Command B (CCB), 9th Armored Division. By late afternoon on December 17, the Americans were ordered back over the Our River. The next day they blew up the bridge at Steinebruck.

As St. Vith straddled the border of the 5th and 6th Panzer Armies, elements from the latter army threatened the village from the north. The Americans established a 15-mile horseshoe-shaped defensive position at St. Vith. On December 19, the Germans continued to probe the American defenses. Manteuffel wanted to attack, but traffic jams in the rear continued to bog down the Führer Begleit Brigade, allowing only advance detachments to arrive north of St. Vith. Concurrently, two of the 18th Volksgrenadier regiments were still focused on the two trapped 106th regiments. The commander of the 5th Panzer Army could do nothing but plan to attack early on December 20.

On that day the beleaguered 422nd and 423rd Regiments, 106th Division surrendered after a breakout attempt the previous day was stopped by German machine-gun and artillery fire. Meanwhile, Manteuffel’s main attack against St. Vith had to be delayed yet another day, for the rest of the Führer Begleit Brigade had not arrived yet. About midday a battalion of both tanks and infantry from the Führer Begleit Brigade attempted to capture Rodt northeast of St. Vith, but the U.S. 814th Tank Destroyer Battalion knocked out four of its tanks. Maj. Gen. Otto Remer, commander of the Führer Begleit Brigade, withdrew his men to wait for the rest of the brigade before attacking again.

The main attack finally rolled forward on December 21. The Germans had managed to get their artillery through the traffic jam, and at 11 am they began pounding the 7th Armored Division, parts of the 9th Armored Division, and other units holding the defenses around St. Vith.

Along the Schönberg road east of the town, the Germans advanced at 5 pm. Other assaults came down Malmédy road to the north at 6:30 pm and southeast of town at 8 pm along the Prüm road. An artillery barrage preceded each attack. Fighting was fierce as Lucht had told his division and brigade commanders to take the town no matter the cost. Multiple waves of volksgrenadiers supported by armor advanced against the American positions.

In the eastern sector, U.S. machine guns cut down many of the volksgrenadiers, but more followed. When the American machine-gun crews were killed, other GIs scrambled out of their foxholes to man them. By 7 pm, German rockets fell on the American positions and more panzergrenadiers advanced. In the intense fighting, American machine-gun crews and bazooka teams lasted only about 10 minutes before being wiped out and replaced by fresh troops.

At Prumerberg, six Panzer VI Tiger tanks rolled forward in the dark toward American tankers waiting for them to come over a rise. As they did, suddenly the night came alive with a blinding light as the Germans fired high-velocity flares. The German Tiger crews quickly knocked out the five silhouetted Shermans. The massive steel monsters then turned their attention to knocking out machine-gun crews. Volksgrenadiers soon overran the position.

By 9:30 pm, German tanks were in St. Vith, where scattered fighting continued for several more hours. With U.S. defenses breached at St. Vith, Brig. Gen. Bruce Clarke, commander of CCB, 7th Armored Division, ordered a withdrawal west of town, where new defenses were set up. But many of the American troops did not escape. Clarke estimated he had lost about half his command.

Lucht’s 66th Corps could not immediately pursue the Americans as St. Vith became a traffic bottleneck, and it took time to get the mess sorted out. Taking St. Vith had cost Manteuffel valuable time. “The delay imposed there put the entire German offensive plan three days behind schedule,” he said. “I didn’t count on such stubbornness.”

The Americans had set up a 10-mile-wide defensive position west of the town that they called the “fortified goose egg” due to its oval shape. A change of command had taken place in this sector as the U.S. XVIII Airborne Corps under Maj. Gen. Matthew Ridgway now took command of the 7th Armored Division. Allied Supreme Commander General Dwight Eisenhower was quickly sending reinforcements into the Ardennes to contain the bulge in the American lines. A change of command also took place as Field Marshal Bernard Montgomery took charge of the northern sector of the Ardennes on December 20.

Despite Ridgway’s determination to hold the goose egg until help arrived, Brig. Gen. Robert Hasbrouck, commander of the 7th Armored Division, and Clarke thought otherwise. Volksgrenadiers were already penetrating the goose-egg perimeter, and the commanders did not think it was possible to hold on. Not wanting to risk losing the 7th Armored and other defenders, Montgomery ordered them to withdraw, which they did on December 23.

Meanwhile to the south, by the evening of the December 17, Manteuffel had broken open a 10-mile gap in the American lines, and the 47th and 58th Panzer Corps poured through it toward Bastogne and the Meuse River. Manteuffel gave the task of quickly seizing Bastogne, which lay 30 miles east of the Our River by road, to Lüttwitz and his 47th Corps. Manteuffel’s orders stated, “In the case of strong enemy resistance, Bastogne is to be outflanked.” Capturing the town would then be left to the 26th Volksgrenadier and the Panzer Lehr Divisions.

The Germans were not the only ones racing to Bastogne. The paratroopers of the U.S. 101st Airborne Division, led by Brig. Gen. Anthony McAuliffe, were making a 100-mile journey by truck to Bastogne from the southwest. Through an intercepted radio message the Germans learned of the paratroopers’ pending arrival at the front. “We shall be there before them,” said Lüttwitz.

Not only was the 101st Airborne headed to Bastogne, but also the 10th Armored Division from Patton’s Third Army. General Troy Middleton, who was headquartered in Bastogne, divided the CCR, 9th Armored Division into task forces to slow the German advance.

The reconnaissance battalion of the 2nd Panzer Division encountered the first task force at a road intersection near Lullange, where it had set up a roadblock. A couple of probing attempts on the American position were beaten back. By about 11 am, Mark IVs began to arrive. Using the cover of smoke, they advanced to within about 800 yards of the Shermans of Company A, 2nd Tank Battalion.

By early afternoon more German tanks arrived and began pushing back the American infantry. The Shermans soon found themselves surrounded on three sides. By 2:30 pm, the roadblock had been overrun and Company A had been pushed back from the road junction with the loss of seven tanks. The remnants of the company escaped cross country during the night.

The bulk of the 2nd Panzer Division encountered the second task force at Allerborn, about halfway between Clerf and Bastogne, around 8 pm. Sweeping the area with machine-gun fire to drive off any infantry support, the German tanks quickly overran two platoons of Company C, 2nd Tank Battalion. The shattered survivors retreated to Longvilly, about five miles northeast of Bastogne.

A third U.S. task force positioned on high ground north of the Allerborn-Longvilly road found itself cut off. To avoid being encircled, the task force pushed northwest. On December 19, the task force reached Hardigny only to stumble into a German ambush that destroyed its vehicles and inflicted 600 casualties. About 225 GIs managed to escape the carnage.

Colonel Meinrad von Lauchert, commander of the 2nd Panzer Division, swung northwest on a poor secondary road toward Noville, bypassing Bastogne and following his orders to drive for the Meuse River. By this time CCB, 10th Armored Division had arrived in Bastogne and was quickly divided into three teams named after its commanders to defend the major roads leading into town. Team Cherry (commanded by Lt. Col. Henry Cherry) was sent to Longvilly, Team O’Hara (Lt. Col. James O’Hara) was to defend Wardin southeast of Bastogne, and Team Desobry (Major William Desobry) was sent to Noville.

The lead elements of Panzer Lehr, under Lt. Gen. Fritz Bayerlein, reached Mageret about three miles east of Bastogne around midnight. There Bayerlein was duped by a Belgian civilian into believing that earlier in the evening about 50 American tanks, 25 self-propelled guns, and numerous vehicles led by a general had passed through the village. No such thing had happened, but Bayerlein believed that Bastogne was held by a division and took up a defensive position northeast of Mageret, cutting the Longvilly-Bastogne road, and waited for morning before attacking toward the key town. That night the lead elements of the 101st Airborne, the 501st Parachute Infantry Regiment (PIR), reached Bastogne. The Germans had barely lost the race.

In the heavy morning fog of the 19th, Bayerlein sent a reconnaissance force toward Bastogne. The force soon reached Neffe, the location of Team Cherry’s command post. While the Americans put up stubborn defense from a stone chateau, the Germans soon discovered they had a more serious problem on their hands when columns of American infantry were spotted coming toward them from Bastogne. It was the 501st PIR probing east of Bastogne.

The aggressive paratrooper attack against Hill 510 overlooking Neffe and Mageret caused Bayerlein to believe he was facing a major American counterattack. Leaving a strong force to defend the Mageret-Neffe road and Hill 510, Bayerlein pushed southwest over terrible secondary roads to probe American defenses there.

Concurrently, Team Cherry at Longvilly was surrounded. Elements of the Panzer Lehr that had been delayed clearing a village east of the Clerf River on the 18th began to catch up with the rest of the division. Lead elements of the division, along with the 26th Volksgrenadier and six tank destroyers from the 2nd Panzer, advanced on Team Cherry, which was caught in a traffic jam consisting of vehicles from CCB of the 10th Armored, 9th Armored, and other units. Team Cherry was hit hard. About 100 of its tanks, half-tracks, and trucks were either abandoned or destroyed. Elsewhere, elements of Panzer Lehr drove Team O’Hara out of Wardin.

To the north, lead elements of 2nd Panzer struggling along bad roads reached Noville, held by Team Desobry. Receiving permission from Lüttwitz to bypass the town, a column of the division’s armor moved along a ridge to the southeast in the fog. The fog lifted, and American and German tanks began trading shots. The Americans were soon reinforced by a battalion of the 506th PIR and a platoon of the 705th Tank Destroyer Battalion. Fierce fighting broke out, but German tanks were reluctant to push into Noville due to paratroopers armed with bazookas. The German tanks that did move toward Noville were knocked out by the American tank destroyers. Noville remained in American hands.

The next morning, the Germans hammered the village with artillery fire followed by an attack by panzergrenadiers, which was hurled back. The situation was critical for Team Desobry. The road south of its positopn was cut. During the night, the Germans had captured the hills overlooking Foy, located south of Noville. McAuliffe and Colonel William Roberts of CCB, 10th Armored, who shared command in Bastogne, gave Team Desobry permission to withdraw. While paratroopers attacked Foy, Team Desobry fought its way out of Noville, reaching the safety of American lines around 5 pm. Meanwhile, German attacks to east of Bastogne were pushed back by the Americans.

While Lüttwitz began to shift his forces to the south and encircle Bastogne, the German high command persuaded Hitler to authorize reinforcing the 5th Panzer Army, which was showing the most progress of the three armies. Thus, 5th Panzer Army received the 9th Panzer, 15th Panzergrenadier, and 2nd SS Panzer Divisions. However, fuel shortages slowed their arrival. Lauchert pushed his 2nd Panzer Division west and captured a bridge over the Our River at Ortheuville. At that point, his tanks and vehicles sputtered to a stop when they ran out of fuel.

Lüttwitz reinforced the 28th Volksgrenadier with a contingent of the Panzer Lehr and ordered the rest of the division to head west for the Meuse. The 26th Volksgrenadier kept up the pressure on Bastogne, and by the night of December 20 the town was effectively surrounded, although the western sector was not strongly held by the Germans. Two days later Lüttwitz attempted to bluff the Americans in Bastogne by offering them the chance to surrender. McAuliffe simply replied, “Nuts.”

Americans in Bastogne by offering them the chance to surrender. McAuliffe simply replied, “Nuts.”

“If you don’t understand what ‘Nuts’ means,” said Colonel Joseph Harper, commander of the 327th Glider Infantry Regiment, to the two German officers who brought the surrender offer, “In plain English it is the same as ‘Go to hell.’” When Manteuffel learned of the surrender offer, he was furious at Lüttwitz for his unauthorized action.

Krüger’s 58th Corps, after breaking through the 112th Infantry, pushed west between St. Vith and Bastogne, encircling a battalion of the 3rd Armored Division at Marcouray. At Hotton in an attempt to capture the bridge over the Our River, the Germans met with a galling fire. The 116th Panzer was facing the 51st Combat Engineer Battalion and elements of the CCR, 3rd Armored Division. Believing he was facing a strong American force and that it would take too much time to force a crossing, Krüger ordered his panzer division to head south to cross at La Roche. Valuable time was wasted sorting out traffic issues and repulsing American attacks.

The 2nd Panzer received enough fuel to allow its reconnaissance battalion to continue the race to the Meuse, skirting between the U.S. 84th Division at Marche, where a blocking force was soon deployed, and Rochefort. The latter was captured by Panzer Lehr, which was supposed to secure the German left flank on its drive to the Meuse.

On December 23 the cold spell that had improved the roads also cleared the skies, allowing Allied planes to attack the Germans and drop supplies into Bastogne. That day the reconnaissance battalion of 2nd Panzer got within a few miles of the Meuse River. The advance guard of 2nd Panzer, which had received some fuel, soon arrived nearby the next day. Three Mark V Panther medium tanks from the reconnaissance battalion were knocked out by British tanks on patrol around Dinant as the British XXX Corps had been positioned to hold the crossings over the Meuse River. The Germans had reached their high water mark in the Ardennes offensive.

The Germans soon had other concerns when the 2nd Armored Division, VII Corps attacked, intending to cut off the 2nd Panzer’s spearhead on Christmas Day. Two days later the spearhead was crushed despite breakout attempts and failed efforts from the Panzer Lehr Division and the rest of the 2nd Panzer Division to break through. Six hundred troops managed to escape on foot during a snowstorm. It was now clear to Manteuffel that further attempts to reach the Meuse would be useless.

Things were no better at Bastogne, where early on Christmas morning the Germans made a large thrust under the cover of darkness to avoid Allied aircraft. The 15th Panzergrenadier Division, under Colonel Wolfgang Maucke, who had just arrived the night before, made the main attack between Champs and Hemroulle to the west of Bastogne reinforced with elements of the 26th Volksgrenadier Division. The tanks quickly overran two companies of the 1st Battalion, 327th Glider Regiment. Despite being overrun, these troops hunkered down in their foxholes until the German tanks had passed by and opened up on the next wave of advancing panzergrenadiers.

The German tanks split up. Some headed to Hemroulle and others toward Champs. Both these groups were shot to pieces by elements of the 502nd Parachute Infantry Regiment and 705th Tank Destroyers. When the smoke finally cleared, all 18 German tanks were knocked out, and supporting panzergrenadiers were either killed, wounded, or captured. Smaller infiltrating attacks by the 77th Grenadier Regiment, 26th Volksgrenadier had initial success around Champs, but these troops were soon pinned down.

The following morning a desperate effort in the direction of Hemroulle was repulsed by American artillery and tank destroyers. Elements of Patton’s Third Army pushing north through the German 7th Army made contact on December 26 with the determined defenders of Bastogne, thus breaking the siege. Heavy fighting continued in the sector throughout the following week as the Americans attempted to secure the supply corridor between the Third Army and U.S. forces in Bastogne.

Hitler was adamant that Bastogne be cleared. To do this, the Germans assembled an army group drawn from elsewhere in the Ardennes that included the battered 1st SS Panzer Division, 3rd Panzergrenadier Division, and the Führer Belgeit Brigade to help take the town. Eastern front veteran Maj. Gen. Karl Decker’s 39th Panzer Corps was brought in to handle the Bastogne operation. He attacked during a snowstorm on December 28 with no success. The following day Decker’s corps was put under the command of Lüttwitz, becoming Army Group Lüttwitz.

Manteuffel launched a major attack on December 30 with the 47th and 39th Panzer Corps against the supply corridor from both the northwest and southeast, which was proceeded by an artillery and rocket barrage. Patton launched an attack the same day. When the smoke had cleared after a day of bloody fighting, the Germans had failed. The corridor remained open, and Bastogne remained firmly in American hands.

Although fighting would continue into January before the bulge was erased, the German offensive was over. The Germans lost about 100,000 men killed, wounded, or captured. In contrast, the Americans suffered about 81,000 casualties. The 5th Panzer Army had advanced the farthest of the three German armies participating in the winter offensive. Still, the Germans gained nothing and lost a great deal. A high-ranking German officer said that the Ardennes campaign had “broken the backbone of the Wehrmacht on the Western Front.”


Source :
https://warfarehistorynetwork.com/article/bastogne-must-fall-hitlers-72-hour-gamble-in-the-ardennes-forest/